
Articles, news, comment, links and more for those working, studying, or with an interest in the Social Sciences: Economics, Geography, Politics and International Studies, Psychology, Social Policy and Criminology and Sociology
This series is the story of the food we eat, told by the people who know it best – the buyers and sellers on the market floor, together with the many different communities of Londoners who shop there.
The first episode, The Fish Market: Inside Billingsgate, gives a unique insight into the heart of Billingsgate Market and the people who work there, and uncovers the tough times facing the fish merchants – dwindling fish stocks, job insecurity, the rise of the supermarkets and a deep recession. This episode is repeated on BBC HD on 26 May at 10.15pm.
The following two episodes are The Meat Market: Inside Smithfield and The Fruit and Veg Market: Inside New Spitalfields.
Find out more via OpenLearn.
Picture credit: Nic0 via Flickr under Creative Commons licence
The first of three programmes on the London markets will be broadcast on Thursday 24 May at 9pm on BBC2 touching on issues of food security, climate change and our role in the global food system. This series is the story of the food we eat, told by the people who know it best – the buyers and sellers on the market floor, together with the many different communities of ...
Meg Barker asks: should we open our minds to all emotional states, not just happiness, in order to have fulfilled lives?
On Tuesday (22 May) the magazine DIVA and the mental health charity PACE are holding an evening event called The H-word. The H-word in question is happiness, and the plan is to have a discussion about happiness, health and well-being and about how people can support each other towards 'happier, more meaningful lives', with a particular focus on lesbian, bisexual and queer women.
The focus on these groups is appropriate because both women, and lesbian, bisexual and queer people, are particularly highly diagnosed with mental health problems such as depression and anxiety (when compared with men, on the one hand, and heterosexual people on the other). They also self-report higher levels of distress and lower levels of happiness and well-being than other groups.
Suffering is often exacerbated when distress which has such a strong social component is regarded as being something which is internal to the individual themselves. Currently there is a powerful cultural tendency to see all distress as being internally caused. Many people believe that when they are depressed or anxious there are only two possible ways of understanding this: Either they are ill, and they need help, but at least this means that it is not their fault. Or they are not ill, and therefore don't need help, but this means that they are to blame for their own suffering (the 'pull your socks up' attitude).
Both of these understandings are internal: either there is something physically wrong, or there is some kind of personal deficiency on the part of the individual. Such understandings can prevent us from seeing – and addressing – any social element to our suffering. They also catch us in a double bind whereby we have to accept that there is something wrong with us or that we are blameworthy, neither of which is a great outcome, and both of which continue to haunt the other even if we dismiss them.
An alternative to this internal perspective is to see all forms of human distress as complexly biopsychosocial. Of course there are some physical vulnerabilities which we have to experience distress in certain ways, and social experiences like being the victim of prejudice write themselves on our psychology and biology in various ways (affecting brain chemistry, thought patterns, and the way neurons wire up, for example). However, our biology is intrinsically interwoven with the ways in which we experience the world, and the ways in which in which it treats us. The statistics on mental health problems in women and LGBT people alert us to just how important these social aspects can be, and may leave us asking whether 'depression' or 'oppression' is the more useful word to apply. Opening up the possible role of social forces also opens up potential for other ways of addressing struggles than the common individual modes of drugs or therapy. Both community involvement and activism because important possibilities to consider.
This finally leads us to the H-word and why I find it somewhat troubling. We hear a lot at the moment about the importance of individuals achieving happiness through positive psychology. However, there is a real danger that this throws us back into an internal understanding of such things: 'Everyone should be happy and here are some techniques you can use to achieve it. If you can't achieve it then there is something wrong with you'.
In her book, The Promise of Happiness, Sara Ahmed talks about the ways in which happiness may be more available to some rather than others (often those who can more easily conform to the 'norm'). She suggests that we require 'feminist killjoys' and 'unhappy queers' if we are to reach a more equal society where pleasure isn’t always found at the expense of others, or by conforming to problematic power hierarchies.
There is a related idea in the mindfulness approach which I find useful. Buddhists believe that it is actually the craving for happiness which is the cause of suffering. Our consumer culture constantly tells us what we need to be happy (more money, fame and success, the perfect partner, the ideal body, the product they are selling, etc.). As Sara Ahmed points out, such things are more accessible to some than others, but even for those who can get them, they are never enough. Mindfulness advocates an alternative approach of bringing our attention to the here-and-now, rather than constantly striving after whatever we think we need to be happy. It also advocates being with whatever emotions we're experiencing rather than privileging one (happiness) over all others.
I was interested that the H-word event description talked about finding 'happier, more meaningful lives' as if these two things necessarily go together. From another perspective we might regard constantly grasping after happiness as the very thing which will prevent us from achieving it. It might be that in order to have a meaningful life we need to let go of the quest for happiness. If we turn our focus to welcoming all emotional states and what they have to tell us, and to compassionately seeking to improve society through mutual support, perhaps we may find that happiness sneaks up on us after all.
Meg Barker 21 May 2012
Meg Barker is an Open University lecturer teaching mainly on counselling modules, and is also a therapist specialising in relationships. Find details of her other blogs here.
The views expressed in this post, as in all posts on Society Matters, are the views of the author, not The Open University.
Cartoon by Catherine Pain
Meg Barker asks: should we open our minds to all emotional states, not just happiness, in order to have fulfilled lives? On Tuesday (22 May) the magazine DIVA and the mental health charity PACE are holding an evening event called The H-word. The H-word in question is happiness, and the plan is to have a discussion about happiness, health and well-being and ...
Donna Smith puts the media coverage of gay politicians under the microscope in a new book based on research for her OU PhD.
Donna is a senior manager in the Faculty of Social Sciences as well as a tutor on DD131 and DD306. She’s just completed her PhD and poured her research findings into a book entitled Sex, Lies and Politics: Gay Politicians in the Press which offers analysis of the changing representation of gay politicians in the UK press from the 1950s onwards.
Here she talks to video camera about gay politicians, media coverage, public opinion and spin doctors…
Donna has also blogged for Society Matters on Platform about ‘gay marriage and what really matters’.
Find out more:
Donna Smith puts the media coverage of gay politicians under the microscope in a new book based on research for her OU PhD. Donna is a senior manager in the Faculty of Social Sciences as well as a tutor on DD131 and DD306. She’s just completed her PhD and poured her research findings into a book entitled Sex, Lies and Politics: Gay Politicians in the Press which offers ...
Dr Donna Smith is dismayed by the Government’s vacillation over gay marriage in the face of mid-term electoral blues.
When the Coalition Government announced it would hold a consultation on opening up marriage to include gay civil marriage, it suggested that one half of the Coalition, the Conservative Party, had become much more socially liberal since the Party’s opposition to many of Labour’s gay rights policies in the late 1990s and early 2000s. The Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron made it clear that he supported gay marriage, with the Lib-Dem Equalities Minister, Lynne Featherstone, stating gay marriage was a “change for the better”.
But, hang on a minute. Who says gay marriage doesn’t matter? It certainly matters to many gay people, their friends and families. In fact, it could be said to matter to society as a whole, as an issue of equality and fairness. And don’t governments have a duty to focus on issues whether they affect the ‘majority’ or ‘minority’? If the Government doesn’t look out for people, who will?
Perhaps Government should just go ahead and legislate. That is, after all, what they have been elected to do. Doesn’t consultation give the wrong message on this one? If a government believes something is morally right, there is no need to consult. Especially as the consultation was not about whether gay civil marriage should be allowed, but rather the best way to go about it. Just make a decision and legislate! (By comparison, on the day of the Queen's Speech that failed to mention gay marriage in the Coalition's plans for the next year, President Barack Obama affirmed his support for same-sex marriages in a nation where 29 States oppose it).
The previous Labour Government faced huge opposition to some of its equality measures, but pushed on nevertheless, resulting in a fairer and kinder society. Of course, we have to accept that not everyone will be in favour of gay civil marriage. Their opinions should be heard, without the need for shouting by either ‘side’. But by consulting, the Government weakens its stated belief in gay marriage. It leaves room for the policy to be picked apart by the media, with opponents in the Conservative Party having room to blame it for the Government’s current woes.
It seems unlikely that the Coalition’s stance on gay marriage had that much of an impact at the polls; high unemployment, lack of consumer confidence, petrol prices and the perception (fair or unfair) that the Conservatives are a party for the rich, not poor, are higher on most people’s agendas, surely.
So, stand up for gay marriage, Cameron and Osborne, if it’s what you support. You’ll be stronger and more respected for it.
Donna Smith 8 May 2012
twitter: @Dr_DonnaSmith
Donna Smith is a tutor on the Open University modules Introducing the social sciences - part one (DD131) and Living political ideas (DD306), and is based in the East of England. She is the author of Sex, Lies and Politics: Gay Politicians in the Press and talks to Platform about gay politicians and the media here
The views expressed in this post, as in all posts on Society Matters, are the views of the author, not The Open University.
Cartoon by Catherine Pain
Dr Donna Smith is dismayed by the Government’s vacillation over gay marriage in the face of mid-term electoral blues. When the Coalition Government announced it would hold a consultation on opening up marriage to include gay civil marriage, it suggested that one half of the Coalition, the Conservative Party, had become much more socially liberal since the Party’s opposition ...
Marketing is paving the way for us to destroy ourselves and our environment. We urgently need to change our habits and learn to buy less, not more.
This is the call to action The Open University's Professor of Social Marketing, Gerard Hastings, is making at a conference of social marketing academics taking place at The Open University today Wednesday 9 May.
Professor Hastings, who is Director of the Institute for Social Marketing based at Stirling University and The Open University, calls marketers the 'cheerleaders and overseers' of the 'insanity' of unsustainable consumption.
“Marketing provides corporate capitalism with both its motive force and acceptable face.
"There is much talk about the unsustainability of an economic model based on assumptions of perpetual growth; less about the fact that this depends on us all perpetually consuming more – which we obligingly do.
"Marketing drives this increasingly unnecessary consumption and encourages our inurement to its catastrophic consequences."
Professor Hastings says he has chosen the topic as a result of "the blindness with which we continue to shop".
“We have no regard for the obvious downsides: materialism, wage-slavery, physical health damage (such as obesity), perpetual disappointment (why would we go on shopping otherwise?), appalling inequalities, fatuous choice (such as £40k of products in large UK supermarkets) - and, of course, global warming.”
He believes individuals and academics can all help bring about change "through shopping less and more fairly, through collective education and through regulating the corporate marketer".
"Business academics have to research, write and teach more, leading the debate about how to correct these wrongs. We need to do this energetically and fast.”
Taking Responsibility is a one-day conference taking place at The Open University Business School. More than 30 research papers are being presented around the themes of social marketing and socially responsible management.
Find out more
Marketing is paving the way for us to destroy ourselves and our environment. We urgently need to change our habits and learn to buy less, not more. This is the call to action The Open University's Professor of Social Marketing, Gerard Hastings, is making at a conference of social marketing academics taking place at The Open University today Wednesday 9 May. Professor Hastings, who is ...
Having recently been awarded a BSc in Social Sciences with the OU I am keen to explore postgraduate options, preferably on a sociology front. However, the OU page relating to Social Sciences says the programme is being reviewed - but it has done so for quite some time now. Does anyone know when some postgraduate courses might become available again? Kind regards, Mike
Having recently been awarded a BSc in Social Sciences with the OU I am keen to explore postgraduate options, preferably on a sociology front. However, the OU page relating to Social Sciences says the programme is being reviewed - but it has done so for quite some time now. Does anyone know when some postgraduate courses might become available again? Kind regards, Mike
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photo by Alan Cleaver's photostream
With the local government elections taking place on 3 May, the focus is firmly on politics again. Find out more about why we vote or not and how politicians deal with the ever growing pressure to deliver on their promises in the OU's iTunes U. Politics of participation Why do people choose to vote, or indeed, not to vote? The Open University's Professor Michael Saward is ...
Social Science Bites is a new podcast series, launching in May 2012, and is brought to you by the team behind the enormously successful Philosophy Bites: Nigel Warburton and David Edmonds. The series is produced in association with SAGE – the world’s leading independent academic and professional publisher. Watch this space for more information!
Social Science Bites is a new podcast series, launching in May 2012, and is brought to you by the team behind the enormously successful Philosophy Bites: Nigel Warburton and David Edmonds. The series is produced in association with SAGE – the world’s leading independent academic and professional publisher. Watch this space for more information! 0
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Nigel Warburton, OU Senior Lecturer of Philosophy will be taking part in the Festival of ideas in Bristol in a debate about the wisdom of old philosophy. We're constantly told to look at the wisdom of the old philosophers. But shouldn't they now be consigned to history? Julian Baggini, author of The Ego Trick: What it Means to be You, among many books, joins Natalie ...
Great Britain Olympic hockey squad member and OU student Alex Danson has labelled the OU “the best fit for my sporting career” ahead of London 2012 and her graduation next year.
The 26-year-old, who is expected to compete in the GB women’s hockey team at London 2012 this summer, says the OU’s degree course fitted flexibly around her sporting commitments meaning she had time for both study and sport.
Great Britain Olympic hockey squad member and OU student Alex Danson has labelled the OU “the best fit for my sporting career” ahead of London 2012 and her graduation next year. The 26-year-old, who is expected to compete in the GB women’s hockey team at London 2012 this summer, says the OU’s degree course fitted flexibly around her sporting commitments ...
Professor Tim Chappell, Director of the OU Ethics Centre, writes about the use of performance-enhancing drugs in sport. Is there a place for them? Should athletes be putting their health at risk to achieve medals? And will competing become more about the size of your wallet than your physique?
With the Olympics bearing down on us, and with the sprinter Dwain Chambers and the cyclist David Millar appealing their lifetime bans in order to be eligible for the London 2012, perhaps it's time to have a think about the place - if any - of performance-enhancing drugs in sport.
So compare the case in athletics where someone achieves fantastic performances by taking steroids for 20 years. Think about the kind of horror-stories we used to hear regularly from the Soviet Union about 50-year-old steroid-raged moustachioed ex-shot-putters with cataracts, duodenal ulcers, and severe weight problems. These people have been sacrificed for our entertainment. Are we happy with that? I don't think we should be.
Of course, athletes in the Soviet Union were forced to take performance-enhancing drugs. That doesn't mean it's a whole lot better to “leave individuals free to decide” what drugs they take. In practice, if there is no regulation, individuals will not be free to decide. They will have no choice but to take the drugs because everyone else is taking them. Here as elsewhere, by regulating the state serves the role that it's there for in a genuinely liberal settlement. It can regulate in a way that actually increases citizens' freedom, rather than decreasing it.
Also of course, not all performance-enhancing drugs are bad for you. Or like caffeine, they're a bit bad for you, but not very. Or their long-term effects are unknown. And there are drug therapies which involve not taking things rather than taking them, which seems just like giving up alcohol to perform better... surely some of these therapies must be all right?
Yes, there are grey areas. But there are often are grey areas in life. The fact that some things are grey doesn't mean that nothing is black or white. We can be quite clear about the kinds of performance-enhancing drugs that we most want to eradicate, and work backwards from those cases to the less obvious ones.
I suggest that the two things most worth eradicating are really harmful drugs and really expensive drugs. We should ban the harmful ones because, well, because they're harmful; we should ban the expensive ones because they turn what ought to be a competition between physiques into a competition between wallets. And once we know what we think about the clear and easy cases, we may find ourselves in a better position to think about the marginal and difficult ones.
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Picture credit: Thinkstock
Professor Tim Chappell, Director of the OU Ethics Centre, writes about the use of performance-enhancing drugs in sport. Is there a place for them? Should athletes be putting their health at risk to achieve medals? And will competing become more about the size of your wallet than your physique? With the Olympics bearing down on us, and with the sprinter Dwain Chambers and the cyclist ...
The OU's course in managing personal finance is attracting increasingly high numbers as more people attempt to get a handle on their money.
Take up of places on DB123: You and your money: personal finance in context has increased year on year, say course leaders. The next start date in May is already drawing the biggest numbers so far, with a “significant proportion” of students aged in their early 20s.
“People we are getting on the course feel they should know more,” says Ian. “Previously young people thought 'life happens' and you can deal with things as and when; they were used to a climate where you could borrow money, house prices went up, that kind of thing. Now we’ve all been disabused of that notion – people are being made redundant, house prices are stagnant, the vast majority of people are facing a real terms cut in income, wages are static or falling, so real income is reduced. Historically this is very unusual so it is good to get better at planning, managing and budgeting.”
Among the former students is 37-year-old finance director Karma Almosawi, who did the course when she took over the finances at the computer company she runs with her husband, when they were in danger of falling into bankruptcy.
The mother-of-two said: “Whilst I had some gut feelings about finance I had no background knowledge. This course has been incredibly invaluable as I’ve been able to ‘fill in the gaps’ and so much of it is relevant to the business as well as to us personally.
“It gave me the confidence to tackle things - our savings, budgets, salaries. As a result we’ve managed to clear our debts and make much more use of our savings.”
The course is also attracting school teachers who want to learn the theory and issues underpinning personal finance so they can teach pupils at both A and AS Level. It’s also a popular introductory course which students use as a precursor to studying recognised accountancy qualifications and to a degree in Financial Services.
The module – which includes a book and accompanying DVD-Rom - has been entirely updated, reflecting all the events of the financial crisis and the policies of the new coalition government. The 2011 enrolment numbers were the highest since the course began in 2006 and are now at more than 2,000 per year, with approximately 1,100 at each entry date.
“I think that reflects the general high level of interest in finance, economics and money managing at the moment. Getting to grips with personal finance is more pressing than ever," adds Ian.
The OU's course in managing personal finance is attracting increasingly high numbers as more people attempt to get a handle on their money. Take up of places on DB123: You and your money: personal finance in context has increased year on year, say course leaders. The next start date in May is already drawing the biggest numbers so far, with a “significant proportion” of students ...
At a time when funders, activists, policy makers, scholars and others are increasingly calling for forms of publicly engaged social science research, the OU's Centre for Citizenship, Identities and Governance (CCIG) launches a new research project: Creating Publics. The project, driven by Research Fellow Dr Nick Mahony, will investigate what is at stake in public engagement, reassess how it is being conceptualised and collectively test-out and innovate new approaches to practice. Here, Nick Mahony, explains the project...
The starting point of this project is the proposition that, in order to create the publics of social science research in the 21st century, it will be necessary to let go of the idea that publics are pre-existing or autonomous entities and – perhaps more controversially – also the idea that social research and scholarship can ever be an entirely isolated or autonomous forms of practice.
By instead viewing publicness/publics and social research as each being distributed activities that exist in relations of interdependency with one another, the Creating Publics project sets out to systematically analyse, collectively discuss and set up experiments to investigate the forms of public support and infrastructure required in different contexts to facilitate processes of critical and creative interaction and innovation between them.
How, the project asks, might forms of contemporary social science research more effectively summon and support publics and forms of publicness? And how, by extension, can 21st century publics and emerging forms of public infrastructure, better support the innovation of new and emerging forms of social research?
The Creating Publics project builds on and is working to contribute to two increasingly important research agendas. The first of these is the ‘public engagement’ agenda. Whether it is pressure coming from the 'top down' (from funders or government) or from the 'bottom up' (from activists and scholars), the increasing visibility of debates about 21st century public engagement are also focusing greater attention on the issues of how the publics and the public role of social science research should be enacted, understood and further innovated.
The second research agenda that Creating Publics is working to contribute to is a slightly different but closely connected one. It is an agenda centred on a set of contemporary questions and debates about how we understand what social science research does in the world; the relationship between its methods, approaches and outcomes and forms of social change; and, questions about what ‘the public’ and forms of publicness are in 21st century contexts of practice?
To address this agenda the Creating Publics project is drawing on and extending a strand of research that has been highly active in CCIG over the last few years. This research, in conversation with other parallel developments, has re-visited and re-conceptualised what publics are, how they form in different contexts as well as begun to trace some of the array of resources and forms of support that publics require in practice for their mediation, creation and sustenance.
The Creating Publics project is therefore for all those who are interested in engaging critically and creatively with the work of innovating and developing more theoretically and empirically understandings of public engagement with social research in the 21st century.
Working collaboratively with pre-existing social science research projects in CCIG, the Creating Publics project is already beginning pilot new ways of conceptualizing public engagement with social research and experiment with new forms of practice. It is also beginning to collectively explore, debate and reflect on what is at stake when it comes to engaging and creating publics and forms of publicness in these and other contexts, both now and in the future. In time the project will also therefore be in a position to generate a set of public resources about public creation, public creativity and creating publics.
The launch of Creating Publics in March 2012 at The Open University was an occasion to inaugurate the Creating Publics keynote lecture and event series, another of the key strands of activity this project will be supporting. For this series we’ve scheduled three events that will run between 26 March and 28 June 2012. Each of these events has been set up so as to support forms of substantive and innovative thinking and collective conversation – live and in public (albeit in ways that are inevitably not equally accessible to all). As well as being free to register, each of these events will be webcast, so as to open out possibilities for people to participate in ways than would be possible otherwise.
On May 16 we look forward to welcoming the geographer Professor Rachel Pain from University of Durham who will be giving a Creating Publics keynote address about the politics of public engagement; and then on 28 June we will be fortunate enough to host to the sociologist Professor John Holmwood, from the University of Nottingham.
However, beginning this series of keynote events and helping to launch the Creating Publics project on Monday 26 March was Professor Lawrence Grossberg, one of the world’s pre-eminent cultural studies scholars who whos keynote was entitled ‘Practices of Knowledge in a Complex World: Experiments in collaboration and conversation’. You can watch it here.
Regular updates and ongoing discussion of this project can be accessed via the Creating Publics blog and details about all forthcoming events will be posted on the CCIG website.
Dr Nick Mahony
March 2012
Please contact Sarah Batt (a.s.c.batt@open.ac.uk) if you’d like to be added to the project mailing list.
At a time when funders, activists, policy makers, scholars and others are increasingly calling for forms of publicly engaged social science research, the OU's Centre for Citizenship, Identities and Governance (CCIG) launches a new research project: Creating Publics. The project, driven by Research Fellow Dr Nick Mahony, will investigate what is at stake in public engagement, reassess how it is ...
Hi Im James and new. im going to study d171 is anyone else starting this course.
Look forward to chatting to you.
Hi Im James and new. im going to study d171 is anyone else starting this course. Look forward to chatting to you.
Hi. My first post on the forum so hi to all.
I'm studying module one dd101 social sciences. I was supposed to be joining an online tutorial today but can't seem to find it anywhere! I think they're in the Cluster Forums' but am struggling to find a link.
Would really appreciate any advice on how to find it if possible!
Thank you in advance,
Simon :)
Hi. My first post on the forum so hi to all. I'm studying module one dd101 social sciences. I was supposed to be joining an online tutorial today but can't seem to find it anywhere! I think they're in the Cluster Forums' but am struggling to find a link. Would really appreciate any advice on how to find it if possible! Thank you in advance, Simon :)
Dr Kirstie Ball, Reader in Surveillance and Organisation will be delivering a public lecture entitled ‘Security and Surveillance: has it gone too far?’ on the 13th March 2012, 6.30pm at the British Library. The lecture is part of the ‘Myths and Realities’ series of events sponsored by the British Library, the Academy of Social Sciences and the ESRC. ...
What many may have suspected – that the upper classes of society are more likely to cheat, lie, and behave badly – has been confirmed by an investigation by psychologists at the University of California.
The research, based on a combination of covert observation and laboratory studies, concluded that selfishness was a shared cultural norm among societal elites and this tendency results in a range of unethical conduct. Because they are less aware of others, privileged people are far more likely than other social classes not to stop at pedestrian crossings, and to cut up other road users.The research builds on previous work into class behavioural differences which suggests that upper classes are worse at reading other people's emotions, less cognisant of other people's needs and rights, and far less altruistic than people from the lower classes.
Worse for the elite, the researchers identified a greater capacity for greed-directed activity which is closely linked to social status – simply put, the higher your social status, the more greedy you may be.
It reminds me of the creed of Gordon Gekko in the movie Wall Street: 'Greed is good'. And the findings, published in the US Journal, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, strongly suggest that this behavioural trait among the elite helps to establish and sustain the economic gap between rich and poor.
The field work, in the Bay area of San Francisco, ranked a driver's social class on a scale of one to five depending on the age, model and appearance of the vehicle. The researchers found that drivers in the better-quality vehicles cut people up a third of the time, compared to only one in ten for older, lower-quality vehicles. This is not a surprising finding to me as I have often wondered why it is that most of the cars that stay in the outside lane at junctions before cutting you up to leave the motorway are nearly always 4-by-4s or prestigious German vehicles.
The researchers also found that at pedestrian crossings better-quality cars and their owners ignored pedestrians on 45 per cent of occasions, while the majority of lower-quality cars stopped and gave way.
Five laboratory studies tested respondents' capacity to lie and cheat, and people from the elite behaved far more badly than the lower classes.The researchers also found that people's endorsement of unethical behaviour rose with socio-economic status, which they ranked by income, education and occupation.
Would these findings fit into a British context? Do they help explain banker's greed? Can they shed light on the growing sense that the Government, with its Bullingdon Club Cabinet of millionaires, is losing touch with the people most affected by the drive towards austerity? Or is the research damned by a flawed methodology, in which the desire to state what seemed obvious led to the conclusion?
You decide. Me? I think the research should be on the good Lord Leveson's reading list. It may assist his understanding of the corruptive processes under his remit.
Dick Skellington 5 March 2012
Cartoon by Catherine Pain
What many may have suspected – that the upper classes of society are more likely to cheat, lie, and behave badly – has been confirmed by an investigation by psychologists at the University of California. The research, based on a combination of covert observation and laboratory studies, concluded that selfishness was a shared cultural norm among societal elites and this tendency ...
In the last two weeks a series of research reports and surveys have continued to remind the Coalition Government that the age of austerity may cut deep and do more damage to the UK population than was originally thought. We are indeed a long way now – if we ever were there – from the idea that we are all somehow in the socio-economic mire together.
First up were the worrying figures from the Office for National Statistics (ONS) revealing 2.67 million people unemployed in December. Then in mid-February the TUC claimed that if other factors are taken into consideration, including the record 1.9 million people underemployed – the increasing numbers of those people unable to find permanent full-time work – then the figure could rise to a massive 6.3 million, more than double the Government's estimate.
The TUC measure includes people who want to work, but have not sought employment in the last six weeks. This figure alone currently stands at over 2.2 million. Over 1 in 10 Britons of working age are now jobless or underemployed, around 11.4 per cent of the working age population. This figure has nearly doubled since October 2004.
The plight of the jobless is particularly acute in Liverpool where almost one in three households have no-one in full-time employment living in them (31.9 per cent workless households). Liverpool’s workless households are matched in some other depressed parts of urban Britain (Nottingham has 31.5 per cent, Glasgow 30.8 per cent, and Middlesbrough 30.7 per cent of workless households). Some regions are far worse off than others. The North East is worst hit with 24 per cent of households without any member in employment, compared with 22.5 per cent in Wales, 22.4 per cent in Northern Ireland, and 21 per cent in the North West (for a discussion of the findings see this Guardian article.
The second bit of bad news is for those in paid full and part-time employment, whose prospects look extremely bleak. Following another public sector pay freeze announced towards the end of February came the think tank report which revealed that freezes will be the norm for millions of workers until at least 2020. The Resolution Foundation also reported that the income of the wealthy will continue to rise in the years until 2020.
This comes in a month when families in fuel poverty – defined in terms of a family spending more than a 10th of income to keep its home warm – was predicted to rise from 6.4 million in 2012 to over 9 million by the time of the next General Election.
The Foundation’s predictions were based on an analysis of over 10 million adults, and their children, who do not rely on means-tested support from the state. Taking the Office for Budget Responsibility's latest forecasts, the researchers showed that if growth remains sluggish until 2020 the average annual disposable income of a third of the population would be £20,200 in 2020 – around £1,700 less than in 2007. Real wages on average fell by 4.7 per cent during 2011.
The result is a widening of inequality between middle-income groups and the top earners, according the Foundation, and a further growing disparity between top and low income earners. Members of the 'squeezed middle' did not share in the spoils of economic growth in the pre-recession years, with wages at median and low levels stagnating. Gains instead flowed primarily to higher income households and, more particularly, to those at the very top of the distribution.
The situation is worse for women because the coalition's cuts have hit women harder than men. This means that lower to middle-income families are likely to be "hurt twice" according to the Foundation.
The unemployment and pay findings come at a difficult time for the Coalition. Their controversial 'workfare' programme – Get Britain Working – came in for severe criticism from critics who claimed the scheme, in which unemployed who leave the scheme before 6 months can face losing benefits, is little more than a 'work for free' programme. Poundland, Sainsbury's, Burger King and Matalan joined other leading retailers in withdrawing their support. Tesco decided to offer to pay people on the scheme and implored ministers to remove the threat of benefit sanctions, a move supported by the bakery chain Greggs, causing a dramatic U-turn by Government this week.
Two further studies reveal the extent to which cuts, pay freezes and unemployment are hitting home. The Consumer Credit Counselling Service report that as austerity bites we are paying more and more on interest as living costs outstrip wage increases. Families now spend an increasing share of their income on paying interest. The average family spend on interest is now over £200 a month, which totals over a quarter of average family income after paying regular housing and utility bills.
The Daycare Trust added to the gloom when it reported nursery costs rose by over six per cent in the last year, which, together with the cut to tax credits, mean that the cost of nursery care for working mothers is becoming unaffordable.
There was also bad news on the housing front. At the end of February local authorities in England reported a rise in rough sleepers, up 413, an increase of 23 per cent, on the previous year.
Austerity has also bought a rise in the number of households with three or four generations living under the same roof, as affordable housing diminishes. The number of multi-generational households is expected to climb to 517,000 by the middle of 2012. These levels were last seen in Dickens' time, so it is perhaps appropriate that we celebrate his centenary this year.
Dick Skellington 1 March 2012
Joblessness is increasing, and fuel poverty will rise as wages fail to keep track with living costs, warns Dick Skellington In the last two weeks a series of research reports and surveys have continued to remind the Coalition Government that the age of austerity may cut deep and do more damage to the UK population than was originally thought. We are indeed a long ...
Dr Karim Murji, Senior Lecturer in Sociology at the Open University, reviews a groundbreaking book on multiculturalism by former Open University academic, Ali Rattansi
Is multiculturalism dead? It certainly had a very turbulent year in 2011, from Prime Minister David Cameron’s disavowal of it in the spring to a certain amount of backtracking from him after the riots in parts of England in August 2011. In between those events, on what is being called ‘22/7’ in Norway, Anders Breivik launched a murderous assault in the name of cleansing Europe against the spread of Islam.
These incidents do not appear in this book, but readers will find in Ali Rattansi’s wide-ranging discussion an invaluable guide to understanding such debates and events. Although he ends up arguing for an alternative formulation — interculturalism — in place of multiculturalism, it is clear that the latter is the term in public and political currency, and is still being argued about, sometimes for better, often for worse.
Radical anti-racists see multiculturalism as an inadequate shallow response to discrimination. Alongside, there are people on the right and the left who see multiculturalism as too concerned with cultural separateness rather than national identity or community cohesion or class inequality. Yet there are also active campaigns that call for the defence of multiculturalism alongside an opposition to Islamophobia and racism. Thus, to paraphrase the title of Colin Crouch’s book on neoliberalism we might wonder about the ‘strange non-death of multiculturalism’.
Rattansi comments, wryly, that multiculturalism ‘has had a bad press in recent years’. His argument is that much of this bad press is due to a ‘triple transition’: the recasting of the nation after devolution in the United Kingdom, the decline in industrialism and the restructuring of the welfare state.
In this approach, multiculturalism and its discontents are more a symptom than a cause of the culture wars that appear from time to time. Broadly, this introductory text is located in the gap between what he sees as two diverging literatures—one based in political theory and concerned with issues about liberalism, and a more sociological approach concerned with culture and diversity.
The book turns out to be based more in the latter than the former and readers more familiar with the debates around multiculturalism will find probably this a bit frustrating. Substantively, the main sections of the book are an overview of the meaning of multiculturalism, its relationship with gender issues and in particular the alleged oppression of women, the charge that it leads to segregated societies, the emphasis on integration and community cohesion and, finally, the vexed and increasingly prominent issue of religion — or Islam in particular. As even this brief list suggests, Rattansi packs a lot into a slim book.
As far as the meaning of ‘multiculturalism’ goes, Rattansi begins by noting that it entails an acceptance of cultural diversity and pluralism along with some commitment to tackling inequality. There are, however, several complications to this.
One is the way that cultural diversity has been racialised through an explicit, and occasionally implicit, concern with racial difference; the failure to assimilate migrants from former colonies led to a stress on integration instead, perhaps most famously in Roy Jenkins’ powerful rejection of the former and embrace of the latter in 1966.
The other issue is the claim to linguistic and cultural diversity of several sub-state minorities, such as the Scots, the Catalans and the Quebecois, largely white minorities who do not fit the conventional race template.
To this it is possible to add the more recent claims for ‘super-diversity’ in cities such as London, following the expansion of the European Union and the arrival of newer migrants from the former Eastern European countries.
Rattansi goes on to review the kinds of multiculturalism that are evident in the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany and France. Perhaps most interesting is the latter, where Rattansi detects a ‘de facto’ multiculturalism in spite of the usual claims about a secular universalist republic that does not differentiate according to ethnicity or race; this public stance exists alongside minor steps to recognise cultural difference and diversity by the French state.
The chapter on gender opens by challenging the idea that multiculturalism and women’s rights are fundamentally incompatible, not least because such views overlook the huge internal diversity of various racial and cultural minorities. Rattansi goes to cover issues of female genital mutilation, forced marriage and the headscarf controversy in France.
On female mutilation Rattansi carefully differentiates different practices that go under that heading; nonetheless he argues that no multiculturalist supports such practices in the name of cultural relativism or the autonomy of cultural groups. On the headscarf, he again notes the contradictions in French policies which permit a degree of difference for Catholics and Jews, but deny that to Muslims in the name of a spurious universalism.
The discussion moves on to the question of whether multiculturalism has created ethnic and racial ghettos, best expressed in the term ‘parallel lives’ which came out of the Cantle report into the 2001 riots in towns in northern England. Rattansi outlines the evidence that exposes terms such as ‘sleepwalking to segregation’ as myths. He also notes that a degree of segregation has been forced on minorities by governmental housing policies in Britain and in France. Much of this he attributes to socio-economic marginality and inequality, rather than race or culture; he also links it to the failures of top-down and half-hearted multiculturalism which has failed to address such inequalities. Nonetheless and paradoxically, politicians and commentators manage to place the blame on multiculturalism itself, even though it has never been properly implemented.
The same story pertains to the 2005 rioters in the banlieues — famously denounced as racaille (scum) by Nicolas Sarkozy, then Interior Minister. Yet, once again, below the vituperative rhetoric and the tough policing, there were modest measures to tackle discrimination and inequality that impact most heavily on young people of Arab and Muslim origins. It is interesting to observe a parallel with the British Prime Minister’s initial and more considered responses to the 2011 English riots.
Turning to the Netherlands, Rattansi observes the rise in anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim hostility in that country expressed in the votes for Pim Fortuyn’s party. Yet looking at the profile of the killer of Theo van Gogh, Rattansi notes how he was someone who worked to help others stay in school despite the fact that he himself had been excluded and failed by the education system. In broad terms, readers will recognise similarities with the ‘9/11’ and ‘7/7’ bombers who also do not fit a simplistic ‘anti-Western’ profile in terms of their attitudes and behaviours. The vexed question of these actions as politics rather than fanaticism is still something that is largely silent in public debate.
The penultimate chapter focuses on integration and community cohesion. It criticises the social capital theories associated with Robert Putnam (Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, Simon & Schuster, 2000) as well as the claims that ‘too much diversity’ has undermined social solidarity. Rattansi also takes issue with the appeal to ‘British values’ repeated in statements by both Labour prime ministers between 1997 and 2010. Although David Cameron has indulged in some similar remarks, the climate after the 2011 riots has not been marked by an appeal to community cohesion, which may signal that, as a term, its time has passed.
Finally, Rattansi tackles the ‘Muslim question’ that has come to the top of arguments for and against multiculturalism. After 7/7, the emphasis on integration of Muslims—alongside the targeting of selected other Muslims for extreme law enforcement—reached a new pitch. This two-handed strategy would have merited some discussion. Taking a broader view, Rattansi notes the flowering of the ‘Arab Spring’ and the diversity of Islamic practices that exist around the world. Homogenising this, at home or aboard, is not helpful in understanding Islam or making progress in addressing the difficult issues that do exist.
Rattansi also draws attention to research that suggests that radicalism should be seen as a political rather than a religious response to events, including the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, though as noted, differentiating between fanaticism and radicalism is still at a basic level.
Despite its defence of multiculturalism and the exposure of some myths surrounding it, the book concludes by arguing that the political climate has turned against multiculturalism. Instead there is an appeal for an alternative term: ‘interculturalism’. This entails a stress upon encounters and dialogues between faith and ethnic groups; a rejection of ideas that any group has strictly definable boundaries that demarcate it from others; and a refusal of the view that non-Western culture have little in common with the West, along with a recognition of their long and shared histories and futures. Combining all of this with an appeal to transnational and cosmopolitan cultures, and a call for proper recognition of the importance of local, regional and national/transnational spheres, the book ends on a positive note by seeking ways to acknowledge diversity alongside a framework for addressing and reducing socio-economic inequalities.
This overview suggests the extensive coverage that this book provides. Nonetheless, the wide debates on multiculturalism cannot be encompassed in any short book. The discussions of it that come out of political theory and liberalism, of matters of rights and recognition, of social justice as an alternative or parallel framework for multiculturalism, and of diversity and multicultural politics as struggles for the integration of minorities are either touched on lightly or left out.
In the same vein, there is an important argument about whether, or to what extent, religion (meaning Islam at the moment) can be captured under the rubric of race. While some critics see multiculturalism as containing too much of a stress upon cultural identities, Rattansi stakes a claim for it as a fusion of the cultural politics of diversity and tackling social and economic inequality. His advocacy of interculturalism is certainly valid as far as it goes. The difficulties with it are more intractable.
For instance, dialogue may be a necessary way to address the conflicts over scarcer resources such as public or affordable housing, but it hard to see how it can be sufficient in itself. Similarly, there is a tension between social and economic policies to address the disadvantage of ethnic minorities that are perceived by others as preferential measures that disadvantage them in a zero sum game.
Also at issue is the appeal to a human rights perspective, especially with regard to gender. This usually prioritises individual over group rights and it is certainly indisputable in areas such as female mutilation and forced marriage. But, Rattansi also calls for measures to tackle ethnic and racial inequalities; legally, these are pitched at group, not individual, level. And as is evident in continuing battles around affirmative action in higher education admissions in the United States, both historic and group level arguments are needed to maintain any case for such anti-discrimination policies.
Such asides and calls for further elaboration are probably inevitable with any book in the Short Introduction series. Within the constraints of the format, Rattansi has produced an admirably clear and comprehensive guide. Anyone seeking an introduction to why multiculturalism is likely to remain a hot topic—and for reasoned arguments about what it is and is not—need look no further than this book.
© Karim Murji 22 February 2012
Ali Rattansi chaired the University's influential course on race and education in the early 1990s: ED356, 'Race', Education and Society.
Multiculturalism: A Very Short Introduction, by Ali Rattansi, is published by Oxford University Press, 184 pp. £7.99
Dr Karim Murji, Senior Lecturer in Sociology at the Open University, reviews a groundbreaking book on multiculturalism by former Open University academic, Ali Rattansi Is multiculturalism dead? It certainly had a very turbulent year in 2011, from Prime Minister David Cameron’s disavowal of it in the spring to a certain amount of backtracking from him after the riots in parts of England ...
The project questionnaire aims to generate information on the breadth and diversity of relationship experience in the 21st Century and the factors that enable couples to sustain long-term relationships.
The project questionnaire is available on the Enduring Love? project website.
The project questionnaire aims to generate information on the breadth and diversity of relationship experience in the 21st Century and the factors that enable couples to sustain long-term relationships. The project questionnaire is available on the Enduring Love? project website. Yes 20% (6 votes) No ...
Yes. Why did it take the UN so long to take action? 54% (58 votes) No. Such a decision cannot be taken lightly. 36% (38 votes) I have no idea. I'm not very informed on these sort of things. 10% (11 votes) Total votes: 107
Yes 31% (4 votes) No 38% (5 votes) Yes, I would like to contribute 0% (0 votes) No, but I'm interested 31% (4 votes) Total votes: 13